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A film composed by Ennio Morricone - 007A
Todo Modo / All Mode / One Way or Another
"Ennio Morricone Fans Handbook" 2013 English edition
"Ennio Morricone Fans Handbook" 2013 English edition
Chronology No.
The music page in the site
Chinese IMDB
Todo Modo / All Mode
It is shown that the film was composed by Ennio Morricone (00:01:04)
It is shown that the film was composed by Ennio Morricone (00:01:04)
001-Basic info (IMDB)

Director: Elio Petri
Writers: Berto Pelosso (adaptation), Elio Petri (screenplay), Leonardo Sciascia (novel)
Stars: Gian Maria Volonté, Marcello Mastroianni, Mariangela Melato

Cast (in credits order)
Gian Maria Volonté ... M.

Marcello Mastroianni ... Don Gaetano

Mariangela Melato ... Giacinta, Moglie di M.
Ciccio Ingrassia ... Voltrano

Franco Citti ... Autista di M.
Tino Scotti ... Il Cuoco
Cesare Gelli ... Arras, Vice Questore
Renato Salvatori ... Dr. Scalambri

Michel Piccoli ... Lui
Adriano Amidei Migliano ... Capra-Profiri
Giancarlo Badessi ... Ventre
Mario Bartoli ... Primogenito Lombo
Nino Costa ... Prete Giovane
Guerrino Crivello ... Speaker TV
Marcello Di Falco ... Saccà
Giulio Donnini ... Bastante
Aldo Farina ... Restrero
Giuseppe Leone ... Martellini
Renato Malavasi ... Michelozzi
Riccardo Mangano ... Cardinale Beccarisi
Piero Mazzinghi ... Caprarozza
Lino Murolo ... Mozio
Piero Nuti ... Schiavò
Loris Pereira Lopez ... Lombo sr.
Riccardo Satta ... Lomazzo
Luigi Uzzo ... Aldo Lombo
Luigi Zerbinati ... Caudo


Genres: Drama

Produced by
Cinevera S.p.a.

Contry Italy | France
Language: Italian
Original Music by Ennio Morricone
Cinematography by Luigi Kuveiller
Filming Locations:
Runtime:125 min
Sound Mix:Mono
Release Date: 30 April 1976 (Italy)
Second Unit Director or Assistant Director Umberto Angelucci .... assistant director


Also Known As (AKA)
Todo modo Argentina / West Germany
Juízo Final Brazil
Mia seira dolofonies Greece (transliterated ISO-LATIN-1 title)
Todo Modo France

Storyline: Don Gaetano (Marcello Mastroianni) is a priest who is supervising a group of Christian Democrats on a religious retreat. The objective is to help these politicians purify their past wrongdoings, no matter how large or small, and live closer to God. The retreat takes place in a concrete bunker with plenty of small rooms for contemplation and icons set here and there to offer inspiration...(Here)
002- More Storyline
2-1 One Way or Another (1976) Alternate title: Todo Modo (New York Time)

Set at an indeterminate time in the near future, this routine, well-acted drama by Elio Petri tackles favorite Italian topics: religion and politics. A bit of macabre fantasy is added to the mix, but the end product remains somewhat muddled. Don Gaetano (Marcello Mastroianni) is a priest who is supervising a group of Christian Democrats on a religious retreat. The objective is to help these politicians purify their past wrongdoings, no matter how large or small, and live closer to God. The retreat takes place in a concrete bunker with plenty of small rooms for contemplation and icons set here and there to offer inspiration. Once the retreat begins, the politicos alarmingly begin to die off one by one. Don Gaetano wants them to get closer to God but did he mean that close? (Here, here)
2-2 Todo Modo (Acmi)
Unclassified 18+
Elio Petri, 125 mins, Italy, 1976, 35mm, Italian with English subtitles. Courtesy: Cinecitta Luce.

Todo modo A group of leading Christian democrats attend a religious retreat, turning confessional practices into tools of power.

Balanced between political thriller, slightly futuristic fantasy and metaphysical meditation, Elio Petri's important film, claustrophobically staged by Dante Ferretti (Salò, or the 120 Days of Sodom) is based on the 1974 novel by Leonardo Sciascia. Shelved immediately after its premiere (and never re-released) for the connections it makes to Italy's then recently murdered prime minister, the film has only now begun to attain proper critical attention.

The cast includes Marcello Mastroianni, Gian Maria Volontè and Michel Piccoli, while the score was written by Ennio Morricone.

2-3 Todo Modo (senses of cinema)
Beginning with the socially-committed films of neo-realism, postwar Italian cinema became, perhaps even more than Italian postwar literature, a form that inherently tended to reflect and refract its own social and political context. It’s true that the august “founding fathers” of neo-realism such as Roberto Rossellini and Vittorio De Sica largely shied away from dealing directly with politics in their films but many of the second-generation postwar directors appear to have soon found themselves moving ineluctably towards a fully-fledged political cinema. The great Frances co Rosi is a case in point: an early Rosi film like La sfida (The Challenge, 1958) is able to explore the intricate and illicit networks of power that control the Neapolitan fruit and vegetable markets with only allusions to the presence and connivance of politicians but by 1963 a film like Mani sulla città (Hands Over the City) seems impelled to call the political spade by its real name.

By the end of the 1960s the explosion of worker and student discontent onto the streets in “the events” of 1968 ineluctably prompted an ever more openly political cinema. Significantly, in 1970 the Oscar for Best Foreign Language Film, which previously had only gone to poetic but politically anodyne Italian films such as Federico Fellini’s La strada (1954) and Le notti di Cabiria (Nights of Cabiria, 1957), was awarded to Elio Petri’s Indagine su un cittadino al di sopra di ogni sospetto (Investigation of a Citizen Above Suspicion, 1970), a film patently and transparently about the repressive and quasi-fascistic reaction of the conservative ruling elites in the face of the massive demand for real political change coming from the ranks below. And if 1968, as Umberto Eco was fond of putting it in later years, in a comparable country such as France lasted only a year, in Italy it came to last a decade, the grim and dark decade that came to be known as “gli anni di piombo” (the years of lead). In December 1969 a bomb in Milan’s Piazza Fontana killed 17 people and wounded 88, thereby initiating what would become an ever-increasing spiral of political terrorism perpetrated by a plethora of often mutually-antagonistic splinter groups from both the extra-parliamentary Left and Right.

Todo Modo
Todo Modo
By the mid 1970s the country was on the edge of chaos as political violence raged in the streets and fears of a neo-fascist coup d’état commingled with fears of what seemed like an inevitable electoral victory for the Communist Party. The Italian secret services – and there were a myriad of them – continued to infiltrate radical groups, sometimes creating their own fake groups in order to draw out the real terrorists, while the American CIA also intervened covertly in order to ensure that Italy would not fall into the Communist camp. The Vatican-backed Christian Democrats, who had ruled Italy continuously from 1948 through a system of opportunistic alliances with smaller parties and the corrupt practices of clientelism and division of state spoils, merely intensified their factional infighting in desperate attempts to retain their questionably acquired wealth and power. They were still at each others’ throats when, in 1978, Aldo Moro, then President of the party and leader of one of the left factions, was kidnapped and summarily executed by the Red Brigades.

Made in 1976 as this pandemonium was reaching fever pitch, Petri’s Todo modo represents perhaps the most uncompromising example of Italian political cinema. Whilst dutifully concluding with a disclaimer to any reference to reality, the film effectively presents an accurate, if grotesquely-designed and highly-expressionistic portrait of both the Christian Democrat Party in particular, and of the Italian situation more generally at the time.

Mischievously disingenuous, in typical Petri style, the disclaimer was justifiable at least to the extent that the film was an adaptation of a short novel by writer/intellectual Leonardo Sciascia. Published two years earlier, the novel was a culturally sophisticated and highly literary experimentation with the form of the murder mystery. The story is told in the first person by a painter and sometime writer of detective novels who one day, while driving in the countryside, chances upon a strange hermitage cum hotel. With no pressing engagements, he is drawn to remain at the Zafer Hermitage in order to observe the annual spiritual retreat about to be undertaken there by a large number of VIPs under the spiritual tutelage of the very ambiguous but captivating figure of a Jesuit cleric by the name of Don Gaetano. Cultured and well-read but also ominous and enigmatic, the novel’s Don Gaetano is explicitly connected with the uncannily bespectacled devil tempting St. Anthony in a 17th century painting by the Italian Mannerist painter Rutilio Manetti (1). The Loyolan spiritual exercises and the two murders that occur during the retreat are presented largely as a backdrop for the intellectual contest that develops between Don Gaetano and the unnamed first person narrator, who comes to be responsible (or not?) for the cleric’s own demise at the novel’s conclusion. Interestingly, for a murder mystery, the murders themselves are never solved and the reader is left wondering.

Petri’s filmic adaptation dispenses with the first person narrator together with all his refined intellectual musings and philosophical exchanges with the cleric. Instead, from the very beginning, the viewer is plunged into the midst of what appears to be a nation in crisis, visibly gripped by an unexplained but ever-spreading and highly contagious epidemic. In spite of the spiritual trappings – and the hollowness of the religiosity practised here is continually on show in the guise of the white, ghostly statues that seem nothing more than empty shells – the retreat for which the host of powerful prelates and politicians are gathering soon reveals its true nature as a fractious reunion of the factions of a ruling party. Don Gaetano’s ambiguous role as spiritual castigator in the novel is not only retained in the film but also magnified to the point of an apocalyptic exterminating angel, although always one with duplicitous and enigmatic motivations. Even more significantly, the role of “Presidente” only hinted at in the novel, is given so much more prominence in the film as to become, quite transparently, the figure of Aldo Moro. Moro’s role as both leader of one particular faction of the Christian Democrat Party and also as the great mediator and power-broker – the one who knew where all the bodies were buried, so to speak – takes centre-stage in the film in a stratagem that allows for both the ad nauseum factional infighting and the shameless and shameful division of the spoils of power by the party functionaries to be clearly shown.

This is clearly political filmmaking at its most committed, and Petri’s own left leanings come through clearly as the spiritual retreat cum party meeting becomes something of a satanic ritual and a descent into hell – the descent and dissolution of a ruling class, fighting to retain its privileges, but by extension that of an entire nation. Indeed, the ubiquitous and intrusive presence of closed-circuit television cameras throughout the film metonymically links the claustrophobic inside of the hermitage with the Italy outside, a country where by this time everyone is on file, everyone and everything is under continual surveillance. All to no avail, of course, since in spite of it all, the culprits were never caught and Italy remained – and remains to this day – the country of unsolved mysteries.

As a sort of anamorphic mirror held up to an entire nation, the film could hardly please and indeed it received a rather cold reception on all sides of the political fence. The film’s parodic portrayal of Moro came back to haunt it when two years later Moro was abducted in broad daylight by the Red Brigades and held for 55 days before being executed for what were deemed to be his political “sins”. The subsequent surge in public sympathy for him served, if anything else were needed, to consign Petri’s film to the dust-heap, and it was subsequently seldom screened.

In his review of Petri’s film at the time of its release, writer Alberto Moravia deplored the fact that it appeared to be motivated by nothing other than hatred for the ruling Italian political class, presenting it, as he put it, “in a grotesquely apocalyptic setting, as a clique of dead souls in bodies only provisionally still alive” (2). Moravia clearly regarded this as a questionable representation, and yet arguably he himself may have been remembering nothing less than Dante’s characterisation of some of the worst sort of political traitors in the depths of the Inferno (3). Perhaps it may be an exaggeration to equate Petri with Dante but, like Dante in the Inferno, Todo Modo does furnish us with a caustic, expressionistic socio-political portrait of Italy during some of its darkest hours. by Gino Moliterno

1.The painting was reproduced on the cover of the first Einaudi edition of the novel.
2.“[…] il solo sentimento che anima il film è l’odio contro il gruppo dirigente, oggi al potere in Italia, presentato, in un’aria grottescamente apocalittica, come una consorteria di anime morte in corpi provvisoriamente ancora vivi.” Now in Elio Petri: XL Mostra internazionale del cinema, Venezia 1983, La Biennale di Venezia, Venice, 1983, p. 80. Author’s translation.
3.See the ending of Inferno, canto XXXIII (Here)

2-4 Elio Petri from the book “L’avventurosa storia del cinema italiano”

In the last period of my life I made displeasing films. They are displeasing in a society that asks for agreeableness to everything, even to commitment; if commitment is pleasant, and therefore does not annoy anyone, society will accept it, otherwise it will not. My features, on the contrary, go even past the sign of disagreeableness.
In Todo Modo there is plenty of unpleasantness and even a great pessimism. The same is true for Good News, where one almost trespasses on misanthropy. What is all this due to? Why do I make such films? Clearly it is because of a precise feeling that a point has been reached where all the conditions existing when I was a boy have vanished.
In concert with my producer and G.M. Volonté himself, I threw away the first two days’ shooting of Todo Modo since G.M. Volonté’s likeness to Aldo Moro was disgusting, embarrassing and sickening.


A metaphysical mystery based on the novel by Leonardo Sciascia, Todo Modo is the most curious and puzzling of Petri’s films and offers a not-so-veiled criticism of the Christian Democratic political party. A group of Italy’s most successful politicians goes on a monastic retreat at the convent of Don Gaetano (Marcello Mastroianni) to contemplate their notable careers and to secretly devise a new power structure. After a series of mysterious crimes, the consortium become divided and ultimately, depleted. The film’s unabashed leftish politics are given vivid articulation through the work of noted production designer Dante Ferretti. (Here)

003- About the director Elio Petri (Official website)
Elio Petri, his real name Eraclio, was born in Rome on January 29th 1929 in a modest background , his father was a coppersmith in Via dei Giubbonari. He was an only child and grew up in the popular district near Campo dei Fiori. At school his intelligence was noticed.

Enrolled in a famous religious college, the San Giuseppe de Merode Institute in Piazza di Spagna, he was expelled for political reasons. He threw himself into politics, film journalism and cultural activities within the Youth Federation of the Italian Communist Party. He writes for l’UNITA’ e GIOVENTU’ NUOVA and also for the cultural paper CITTA’ APERTA (he will leave the Party in 1956 after the Hungarian events).

He met Giuseppe De Santis and became the assistant of the author of Riso Amaro. He contributed – without being accredited – to the script of Roma Ore Undici (1952) of which he made the previous interview to the protagonists of the tragedy (this interview will be published in a volume in 1956). He continues his activity both as scriptwriter and as De Santis’ assistant, with Giorni d’Amore (1955), Uomini e Lupi (1957), La Strada lunga un Anno (1958), La Gar?onnière (1960). During these years, Petri writes also screenplays for Gianni Puccini, Aglauco Casadio, Carlo Lizzani and will remain attached to “Peppe” De Santis all his life long.

director Elio Petri
The painter and friend Renzo Vespignani with Elio Petri
Jean-Claude Brialy, Gina Lollobrigida, Alfred Hitcock, Elio Petri and Francesco Rosi
Jean-Claude Brialy, Gina Lollobrigida, Alfred Hitcock, Elio Petri and Francesco Rosi
After two shorts – Nasce un Campione (1954) and I Sette Contadini (1959) Elio Petri made his début directing, in 1961, The Assassin with a script written together with Tonino Guerra. The film showed immediately a great talent in approaching alienated characters and in describing a Kafkaesque police universe. For the first time he directs Marcello Mastroianni.

I Giorni contati (Numbered Days) (1962), his second film, written again with Tonino Guerra, marks Petri’s definitive entrenchment in an indirectly political cinema where the prevailing subjects are exclusion and the individual’s division. The main character, vaguely inspired by his father’s personality, is wonderfully played by Salvo Randone.

After two features of lesser strain (Il Maestro di Vigevano, 1963 and the sketch Sin in the Afternoon in High Infidelity, 1964) Petri signs a sci-fiction film The Tenth Victim written again with Tonino Guerra. In 1967 he shoots To Each His Own (from Sciascia’s homonymous novel) one of his most dramatic works on the intellectual’s incomprehension of reality. With this film the actor Gian Maria Volonté enters Petri’s expressive universe and the scriptwriter Ugo Pirro starts his collaboration with Petri, which will last till 1973. With A Quiet Place in the Country - the script written with Tonino Guerra, it is their last collaboration – he tackles the topic of the romantic artist’s solitude and anxiety, starring Franco Nero and Vanessa Redgrave.

Later he makes four features which reveal him as one of the most clear and desperate analysts of contemporary schizophrenia. They represent a sort of portrait of Italian society in its plurality and contradiction. Investigation on a Citizen above Suspicion (1970) about the police; The Working Class Goes to Heaven (1971) on the workers’ condition; Propriety is no longer a Theft (1973) on the role of money and the individual’s destruction because of it; Todo Modo (1976) from Sciascia’s homonymous novel, on the corrupted mental structure of Christian Democracy power men.

Volonté is at the centre of these films as Head of the police, a worker, a Christian Democracy leader. Actor Ugo Tognazzi will take his place in Propriety is no longer a Theft.

In 1971 Investigation on a Citizen above Suspicion wins the Academy Award while in 1972 The Working Class goes to Heaven receives the Golden Palm at Cannes.

Heavy with menaces to political cultural and media conformism Petri’s cinema meets more and more with production difficulties. In 1978, giving up subjects more directly related to the Italian situation, he shoots for Television an outstanding arrangement of Sartre’s Dirty Hands, once again exceptionally well performed by Marcello Mastroianni. Because of right reasons the film remained unseen outside Italy.

With Good News which he produced in 1979 with Giancarlo Giannini – who starred in the film – Petri gets to an impasse, that of the lack of communication where you can find the artist’s distress and the dismay of his characters. From neurosis to schizophrenia Petri’s universe is one of the most consistent and stimulating for a film maker’s commitment towards his public. Yet after this movie he went through – just like his heroes – very serious crises of doubt and existential questioning.

The last years of his life were dimmed by the difficulty to start a new film and the attack of the disease fits. In January 1981 Petri is in Genoa to stage The American Clock by Arthur Miller – his only work on stage.

A new project Chi Illumina la Grande Notte is in a quite advanced stage: the shooting is planned in September 1982, Marcello Mastroianni is going to be the protagonist. In the meantime the disease has gone terribly ahead: on November 10th 1982 cancer will untimely lead Elio Petri to death. He was fifty three. (Here)

Elio Petri in the 70s in Paris
Elio Petri in the 70s in Paris
004-About Ignacio de Loyola and spiritual exercises


Ignatius of Loyola (WIKI)

Ignatius of Loyola (Basque: I?igo Loiolakoa, Spanish: Ignacio de Loyola) (1491[1] – July 31, 1556) was a Spanish knight from a local Basque noble family, hermit, priest since 1537, and theologian, who founded the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) and was its first Superior General.[2] Ignatius emerged as a religious leader during the Counter-Reformation. Loyola's devotion to the Catholic Church was characterized by absolute obedience to the Pope.[3]

After being seriously wounded in the Battle of Pamplona in 1521, he underwent a spiritual conversion while in recovery. De Vita Christi by Ludolph of Saxony inspired Loyola to abandon his previous military life and devote himself to labour for God, following the example of spiritual leaders such as Francis of Assisi. He experienced a vision of the Virgin Mary and the infant Jesus while at the shrine of Our Lady of Montserrat in March 1522. Thereafter he went to Manresa, where he began praying for seven hours a day, often in a nearby cave, while formulating the fundamentals of the Spiritual Exercises. In September 1523, Loyola reached the Holy Land to settle there, but was sent back to Europe by the Franciscans.

Between 1524 and 1537, Ignatius studied theology and Latin in the University of Alcalá and then in Paris. In 1534, he arrived in the latter city during a period of anti-Protestant turmoil which forced John Calvin to flee France. Ignatius and a few followers bound themselves by vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. In 1539, they formed the Society of Jesus, approved in 1540 by Pope Paul III, as well as his Spiritual Exercises approved in 1548. Loyola also composed the Constitutions of the Society. He died in July 1556, was beatified by Pope Paul V in 1609, canonized by Pope Gregory XV in 1622, and declared patron of all spiritual retreats by Pope Pius XI in 1922. Ignatius' feast day is celebrated on July 31. Ignatius is a foremost patron saint of soldiers, the Society of Jesus, the Basque Country, and the provinces of Guipúzcoa and Biscay......(More see WIKI)

Exercitia spiritualia 1548
The Spiritual Exercises are a compilation of meditations, prayers, and contemplative practices developed by St. Ignatius Loyola to help people deepen their relationship with God. For centuries the Exercises were most commonly given as a “long retreat” of about 30 days in solitude and silence. In recent years, there has been a renewed emphasis on the Spiritual Exercises as a program for laypeople. The most common way of going through the Exercises now is a “retreat in daily life,” which involves a monthslong program of daily prayer and meetings with a spiritual director. The Exercises have also been adapted in many other ways to meet the needs of modern people.

.(More see official website)

Exercitia spiritualia
1548, First Edition by Antonio Bladio (Rome) (158x108 mm)
Ignacio de Loyola and spiritual exercises
005-About the author of the novel Leonardo Sciascia
Leonardo Sciascia (Italian: [leo?nardo ???a??a]; January 8, 1921 – November 20, 1989) was an Italian[1] writer, novelist, essayist, playwright and politician. Some of his works have been made into films, including Open Doors (1990) and Il giorno della civetta (1968).

Work summary
A number of his books, such as The Day of the Owl (Il giorno della civetta) and Equal Danger (Il contesto), demonstrate how the Mafia manages to sustain itself in the face of the anomie inherent in Sicilian life. He presented a forensic analysis of the kidnapping and assassination of Aldo Moro, a prominent Christian Democrat, in his book The Moro Affair. Sciascia's work is intricate and displays a longing for justice while attempting to show how corrupt Italian society had become and remains. His linking of politicians, intrigue, and the Mafia gave him a high profile, which was very much at odds with his private self. This resulted in his becoming widely disliked for his criticism of Giulio Andreotti, then Prime Minister, for his lack of action towards freeing Moro and answering the demands of the Brigate Rosse (Red Brigades).

Sciascia was part of a House of Deputies investigation into Moro's kidnapping, which concluded that there was a certain amount of negligence on the part of the Christian Democrat Party in their stance that the state was bigger than a person and that they would not swap Moro for 13 political prisoners, even though Moro himself had stated that the swapping of innocent people for political prisoners was a valid option in negotiations with terrorists. However, senior members of the party conveniently forgot this stance and even went as far as to say that Moro had been drugged and tortured to utter these words.

Sciascia's books are rarely characterized by a happy end and by justice for the ordinary man. Prime examples of this are Equal Danger, where the police's best detective is drafted to Sicily to investigate a spate of murders of judges. Focussing on the inability of authorities to handle such investigation into the corruptions, Sciascia's hero is finally thwarted.

Sciascia wrote of his unique Sicilian experience, linking families with political parties, the treachery of alliances and allegiances and the calling of favors that result in outcomes that are not for the benefit of society, but of those individuals who are in favor.

His 1984 opus Occhio di Capra is a collection of Sicilian sayings and proverbs gleaned from the area around his native village, to which he was intensely attached throughout his life.(More see WIKI)

Download Sciascia' novel “Todo Modo"(Italian and Spanish)PDF-RAR file 0.6M >>>>
author of the novel Leonardo Sciascia
006-About Italy Christian Democracy and "Historic Compromise"
Italy Christian Democracy and "Historic Compromise"
Christian Democracy (Italian: Democrazia Cristiana, DC) was a Christian democratic[3][4] political party in Italy. It was founded in 1943 as the ideological successor of the historical Italian People's Party, which had the same symbol, a crossed shield (scudo crociato). The DC, a Christian centrist[5] catch-all party comprising both right-wing and left-wing factions, dominated the politics of Italy for almost 50 years from 1944 until its demise amid a welter of corruption allegations in 1992–1994.

It was succeeded by several parties, including the Italian People's Party, the Christian Democratic Centre, the United Christian Democrats and the current Union of Christian and Centre Democrats. However, most former Christian Democrats are now affiliated to the centre-right The People of Freedom and the centre-left Democratic Party.

De Gasperi to Moro [edit]From 1946 until 1994 the DC was the largest party in Parliament, governing in successive coalitions with the support of the Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI), the PLI, the PRI and, after 1963, the PSI. Basing its electoral majority largely on the Catholic countryside, the party originally supported governments based on liberal-conservative political positions, then to move into centre-left coalitions by European standards, despite some disbandaments to the right, such as the short-lived government led by Fernando Tambroni in 1960, relying on parliamentary support from the Italian Social Movement, the post-Fascist party.

The party's share of vote was always between 38 and 43% from 1953 to 1979. From 1954 the party was led by progressive Christian Democrats, such as Amintore Fanfani, Aldo Moro and Benigno Zaccagnini, supported by the influential left-wing factions. Coalitions with the PSI became usual after the first centre-left government led by Moro in 1963 which saw the participation of the Socialists in key ministerial posts.

Major land reforms were carried out by Christian Democracy in the poorer rural regions in the early postwar years, with farms appropriated from the large landowners and parcelled out to the peasants. In addition, during its years in office, Christian Democrats passed a number of laws safeguarding employees from exploitation, established a national health service, and initiated low-cost housing in Italy’s major cities.[6]

In 1978 the party was struck by the abduction and murder of Aldo Moro, who had proposed a Historic Compromise with the PCI, by the Red Brigades. When Moro was abducted, the government, at the time led by Giulio Andreotti, immediately took a hardline position stating that the "State must not bend" on terrorist demands. This was a very different position from the one kept in similar cases (such as the kidnapping of Campanian DC member Ciro Cirillo a few years later, for whom a ransom was paid, thanks to the local ties of the party with camorra) before. It was however supported by all the mainstream parties, including the PCI, with the two notable exceptions of the PSI and the Radicals. In the second trial for mafia allegations against Andreotti, leader of the right wing of the party, it was said that he took the chance of getting rid of a dangerous political competitor by sabotaging all of the rescue options and ultimately leaving the captors with no option but killing him.[7] During his captivity Moro wrote a series of letters, at times very critical of Andreotti.[8] Later the memorial written by Moro during his imprisonment was subject to several plots, including the assassination of journalist Mino Pecorelli and general Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, which involved Andreotti and some figures of his wing.[9] (More see WIKI)

General Secretary of the Italian Communist Party Enrico Berlinguer (1922-1984)
General Secretary of the Italian Communist Party Enrico Berlinguer (1922-1984)
Innuendo in the film had three chiefs of the Christian Democracy
Aldo Moro
Giulio Andreotti
Amintore Fanfani
Aldo Moro: September 23, 1916 – May 9, 1978) was an Italian politician and the 39th Prime Minister of Italy, from 1963 to 1968, and then from 1974 to 1976. He was one of Italy's longest-serving post-war Prime Ministers, holding power for a combined total of more than six years.

A leader of Democrazia Cristiana (Christian Democracy, DC), Moro was considered an intellectual and a patient mediator, especially in the internal life of his party. He was kidnapped on March 16, 1978, by the Red Brigades (BR), a Marxist-Leninist terrorist organization, and killed after 55 days of captivity.(Here)

Giulio Andreotti: 14 January 1919 – 6 May 2013) was an Italian politician of the centrist Christian Democracy party.[2] He served as the 41st Prime Minister of Italy from 1972 to 1973, from 1976 to 1979 and from 1989 to 1992.[3] He also served as Minister of the Interior (1954 and 1978), Defense Minister (1959–1966 and 1974) and Foreign Minister (1983–1989) and was a Senator for life from 1991 until his death in 2013.[3] He was also a journalist and author.

Andreotti was sometimes called Divo Giulio (from Latin Divus Iulius, "Divine Julius", an epithet of Julius Caesar after his posthumous deification). During the 16th term of the Senate in 2008–2013, he opted to join the parliamentary group UDC – independence.(Here)

Amintore Fanfani: 6 February 1908 – 20 November 1999) was an Italian politician and the former Prime Minister of Italy. He was one of the well-known Italian politicians after the Second World War, and a historical figure of the Christian Democracy (Italian: Democrazia Cristiana – DC).

Fanfani and Giovanni Giolitti still hold the record as the only statesmen to have served as prime minister of Italy in five non-consecutive periods of office. Fanfani was one of the dominant figures of the Italian Christian Democrats for over three decades.(Here)

Three playing actors in the film
Three playing actors in the film
Three playing actors in the film
Three playing actors in the film
Historic Compromise (WIKI)
In Italian history, the Historic Compromise (Italian: Compromesso storico) was an accommodation between the Christian Democrats (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI) in the 1970s, after the latter embraced eurocommunism under Enrico Berlinguer. The 1978 assassination of DC leader Aldo Moro put an end to the Compromesso storico. Norberto Bobbio was a prominent intellectual supporter of the accommodation.

Aftermath [edit]Since the middle of the 1990s until 2008, most communists and former-communists, many socialists and many former members of the DC co-operated in the coalitions "The Olive Tree" and its successor "The Union". The largest opposition party the Democratic Party considers itself continuing in the tradition of the compromise. (Here)

Toward The Historic Compromise (May 07, 1976) (The Harvard Crimson)
The resignation last week of Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro means that general elections will be held this June, elections which may determine the shape of Italy's political future. The Communist Party (PCI) is likely to emerge as the largest political force in the country, ending nearly three decades of Christian Democratic dominance. If it wins a plurality, the PCI would be able to demand a share of political power and cabinet representation.

The Christian Democrats (DC) have proved increasingly incapable of governing Italy. The past few years have seen an endless succession of collapsing cabinets; in the face of waves of strikes and political violence, the DC has been unable to enact badly needed social reforms. The lira has fallen drastically and economic growth has come to a standstill. DC rule has been marked by widespread corruption and scandal. The recent charge that party leaders accepted payoffs from the Lockheed Aircraft Corporation is a stellar example. Furthermore, their conservative position on social issues has become increasingly unpopular with the electorate, sixty percent of which defied the DC and the Vatican and supported divorce in a referendum held last year.

But the Communist ascendancy is not merely a product of Christian Democratic weakness. The PCI now participates in five regional governments and in the municipal governments of all the major cities north of Rome. There it has been able to provide effective and honest public administration, in sharp contrast to the DC's dismal record. More importantly, the PCI stands for an "Italian road to socialism" sharply distinct from the Soviet model.

The independence of the PCI has been evident for some time. It was graphically demonstrated by the recent confrontation between its leader Enrico Berlinguer and Brezhnev in Moscow. The PCI has been strongly committed to democratic institutions and civil liberties for over thirty years; it favors keeping Italy in NATO and has renounced the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In fact, even though the general elections may well produce a Communist--Socialist majority, the PCI does not want to form a government exclusively of the left, fearing that drastic polarization would result, as it did, for example, in Chile. It prefers the "historic compromise," a Communist--Christian Democratic coalition which would provide a broad popular base for the much--needed transformation of Italian society.

Kissinger has repeatedly warned that the presence of Communists in NATO--member governments is unacceptable. The threat of American intervention, whether diplomatic, economic, or military, is the most serious obstacle to the potential success of the historic compromise. In the face of militant American disapproval and sanctions, menanced by CIA infiltration and influence, Italians understandably fear that their country may become another Chile. Their fears are well supported by the American press, judging from a recent Newsweek cover. America already considers Italy another Vietnam.

The PCI had wanted the general elections to be held after the 1976 American presidential elections to prevent the Italian situation from becoming a campaign issue here. Hence the decision of the DC to hold the elections in June appears to be designed to intimidate the Italian electorate with the specter of possible American intervention in the event of a PCI victory.

Kissinger's intense opposition to PCI governmental participation is both shortsighted in terms of American interests and out of touch with the needs of the Italian people. The PCI's rise is the product of long term changes in Italian society, economics, and politics which are unlikely to be reversed. American interference is unlikely to prevent a PCI victory; it will only antagonize the electorate. Furthermore, the historic compromise is the single development most likely to stabilize Italian politics; it is also the only force capable of regenerating Italy's stagnating economy.

Nor would a PCI triumph represent an extension of Soviet domination into Western Europe; in fact, by legitimating diversity within European Communism, it would increase the ability of Eastern European countries to explore alternative socialist models to that of the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, continued American intransigence will only weaken the PCI's ability to maintain its distance from Moscow by undermining its contention that there is a "third way" between East and West. American policy makers should abandon their cold war vision of a monolithic international Communist movement, and resolutely refrain from interfering with Italian moves toward the historic compromise. (Here)

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